Les "rebelles" de Misrata en Libye ont chassé toute la population noire de la ville selon un article du Wall Street Journal [du 21 juin 2011] intitulé "Une ville libyenne [Tawergha] déchirée par des luttes tribales" qui fait froid dans le dos.

Les "rebelles" essaient maintenant de prendre la ville de Tawergha située à environ 50 km, et se proposent de la nettoyer de tous les noirs dès qu’ils l’auront conquise. Est-ce que ce n’est pas ce qu’on appelle d’habitude un "génocide" ?

Selon l’article du Journal les "rebelles" se considèrent comme des "brigades dont la mission est de purger le pays des esclaves à la peau noire". Le Journal cite un commandant rebelle Ibrahim al-Halbous qui aurait dit, en parlant des Libyens noirs : "Il faut qu’ils fassent leurs valises" et aussi " Tawergha n’existe plus, il ne reste que Misrata."

Vous ne lirez pas cela dans le New York Times qui est devenu un journal aussi corrompu que la vieille Pravda pendant l’ère soviétique. Depuis le début du conflit libyen, les éditoriaux du Wall Street Journal insistent sur le fait que les "rebelles" sont racistes et se sont servi des allégations comme quoi Mouammar al-Kadhafi avait employé des mercenaires d’autres pays d’Afrique pour massacrer les Libyens noirs.

Les preuves de lynchage public de noirs sont disponibles sur le net en faisant une simple recherche sur Google ou Youtube même si le New York Times a complètement ignoré ce fait capital. Peut-on croire que si des gens d’origine africaine contrôlaient les éditoriaux du New York Times ou même ses pages politiques, une information aussi importante et aussi accablante aurait été passée sous silence ?

Si c’était le contraire et que des Libyens noirs se livraient à un nettoyage ethnique contre des Libyens qui n’étaient pas noirs, les gens qui contrôlent les éditoriaux et les pages d’information du New York Times ignoreraient-ils la nouvelle ? De toute évidence, cela n’ennuie pas tellement les sages du Times que des Libyens noirs soient liquidés à cause de la couleur de leur peau.

Au contraire, comme dans un éditorial récent, le New York Times se vante de soutenir la campagne de bombardements de l’OTAN qui a causé la mort de 20 civils rien que cette semaine. Le Times n’a pas non plus mentionné que le représentant Dennis Kucinich (Démocrate - NdR) avait demandé que le tribunal criminel international (ICC) mette en examen des commandants de l’OTAN qui auraient commis des crimes de guerre en rapport avec les meurtres de civils.

[...]

Source : Le Grand Soir, selon un article paru sur le site Blackstarnews.com
Pour consulter l’original du blackstarnews : http://www.blackstarnews.com/news/135/ARTICLE/7478/2011-06-21.html
Ci-dessous : L’article intégral du Wall Street Journal

Post-Scriptum

Libya City Torn by Tribal Feud

Ethnic Hatred Rooted in Battle for Misrata Underlines Challenges the
Nation Faces After Gadhafi

MISRATA, Libya-"Traitors keep out," reads graffiti at the entrance of
a housing project in an impoverished neighborhood of Misrata, the
rebel-held city grappling with the physical and emotional scars of
Col. Moammar Gadhafi’s siege since March.

A group of men sipping tea in the courtyard on a recent afternoon say
the "traitors" are those who hail from Tawergha, a small town 25 miles
to the south inhabited mostly by black Libyans, a legacy of its
19th-century origins as a transit town in the slave trade.

Many Misratans are convinced that Tawerghans were responsible for some
of the worst atrocities committed during their city’s siege, including
allegedly raping women in front of their relatives and helping Gadhafi
forces identify and kidnap rebel sympathizers and their families.

The feud between Misrata and Tawergha offers a stark example of the
challenges Libya will face in reconciling communities that found
themselves on opposite sides of the conflict when Col. Gadhafi leaves
power.

Misrata, Libya’s third-largest city and its commercial hub, has been
viewed with suspicion by Col. Gadhafi, who sought to promote minority
groups like the Tawerghans and some Bedouin tribes in the area to
counterbalance the might of the tightly knit white merchant families
here.

Before the siege, nearly four-fifths of residents of Misrata’s Ghoushi
neighborhood were Tawergha natives. Now they are gone or in hiding,
fearing revenge attacks by Misratans, amid reports of bounties for
their capture.

The rebel leadership in the eastern city of Benghazi says it is
working on a post-Gadhafi reconciliation plan. But details are fuzzy
and rebel leaders often resort to platitudes when dismissing
suggestions of discord, saying simply that "Libya is one tribe."

That viewpoint could prove dangerously naive. Already the fighting has
fanned historic feuds and created new fault lines across the country.
In the Nafusa Mountains southwest of Tripoli, rebels from the Zintan
tribe are now pitted against their old rivals the Mashashya, who are
mostly pro-government.

In a bid to calm some of these tensions, Libya’s former colonial ruler
Italy, which is siding with the rebels, announced last week it would
host almost 300 Libyan tribal leaders for a major reconciliation
conference, an offer quickly ridiculed by the Gadhafi regime.

"The longer this [fighting] goes on, the more it reinforces deep
mistrust across all social cleavages," said Lisa Anderson, president
of the American University in Cairo who is a Libya expert.

Misrata’s rebels succeeded last month in pushing Col. Gadhafi’s forces
out of the city, but they continue to struggle in battles on three
fronts including the border with Tawergha. A teenage boy was killed
Monday and six of his relatives were wounded, including his parents
and siblings, said witnesses, when pro-regime forces on the city’s
outskirts fired rockets into Misrata. Since Friday, similar attacks in
the area have killed two women and at least 26 rebels, including ten
on Monday, doctors said.

Though the rebel’s political leadership says it will take steps to
avoid reprisals if they capture the town, others are calling for the
expulsion of Tawerghans from the area.

Ibrahim al-Halbous, a rebel commander leading the fight near Tawergha,
says all remaining residents should leave once if his fighters capture
the town. "They should pack up," Mr. Halbous said. "Tawergha no longer
exists, only Misrata."

It is unclear how many families still live in Tawergha, which has
turned into staging grounds for government troops. Many are believed
to be in a government-administered camp in al-Haisha farther south.

Other rebel leaders are also calling for drastic measures like banning
Tawergha natives from ever working, living or sending their children
to schools in Misrata.

The hatred of Tawergha stems from witnesses who say loyalist soldiers
were accompanied by hundreds of volunteer fighters from Tawergha when
they ransacked and burned dozens of properties in an assault against
Misrata and surrounding areas on March 16 to 18.

There are also accounts of rape, with one rebel commander putting the
number at more than 150, but they are harder to prove given the stigma
attached to the crime in the conservative muslim nationand the lack of
testimony.

Some of the hatred of Tawergha has racist overtones that were mostly
latent before the current conflict. On the road between Misrata and
Tawergha, rebel slogans like "the brigade for purging slaves, black
skin" have supplanted pro-Gadhafi scrawl.

The racial tensions have been fueled by the regime’s alleged use of
African mercenaries to violently suppress demonstrators at the start
of the Libyan uprising in February, and the sense that the south of
the country, which is predominantly black, mainly backs Col. Gadhafi.

Bashir Amer says he was one of the victims of the assault on Misrata
by loyalist soldiers and Tawerghans in March. Nothing was spared on
his ranch, he said, in the farmland area of Tuminah on the road
between Misrata and Tawergha.

The carcass of one of Mr. Amer’s Thoroughbred horses was still baking
in the sun during a recent visit. His farmhouse was set on fire after
all valuables were looted, Mr. Amer said as he held up his wife’s
empty jewelry box. He stood in the master bedroom, which was reduced
to incinerated walls and a carpet of ash.

Mr. Amer said he was having breakfast with his family when soldiers
jumped over the farm’s fence and started shooting indiscriminately,
wounding his daughter Fatima, 16, in the leg.

Mr. Amer said they were then allowed to go to his parents’ ranch
farther up the road in nearby Karzaz opening the way for pro-Gadhafi
volunteers from Tawergha, who eventually reached his parents’ farm.
There, he said all were led out before the house, like his own, was
looted and set on fire. "It was terrifying when the Tawergha men came
into my parents’ house," Mr. Amer said.

His father and six cousins and their families were detained during the
same raid on Tuminah and Karzaz. They remain missing along with more
than 1,000 other Misrata residents.

The Amers, like their wealthy neighbors the Issas, have been accused
by the regime of bankrolling the rebels, which they admit to doing.

Standing on the roof of his family’s burned out farmhouse, Tareq Issa
recalls their escape after his uncle was killed and brother gravely
wounded in a shootout with Gadhafi loyalists who attacked the farm.
The Issas came back to Tuminah last month to find their properties in
ruins.

The incinerated body of a Lexus sedan sat in the garage of one mansion
while a smashed marble urn was all that remained of the contents of
another Tuscan-style villa nestled amid acres of orchards.

Mr. Issa, a lawyer who now leads a clutch of fighters in charge of
security in Tuminah, blames Tawerghans for the attack and said his
whole clan has scores to settle with the town.